The United Nations’ most prominent presence in the Sahel for over a decade concluded when the UN Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in Mali (MINUSMA) completed its withdrawal at the end of 2023. Originally established by the Security Council in 2013, the mission’s mandate was terminated upon the request of Mali’s transitional government, marking the end of an era defined by large-scale international peacekeeping.
However, the conclusion of MINUSMA has not signaled a disengagement from the region. The UN continues its involvement through political dialogue via the UN Office for West Africa and the Sahel (UNOWAS), alongside sustained humanitarian and development efforts across the broader UN system. Yet, the operational environment has shifted dramatically due to evolving geopolitical dynamics and a renewed emphasis on national sovereignty.
On January 29, 2025, Burkina Faso, Mali, and Niger formally exited the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS). These nations have since deepened their collaboration through the Alliance of Sahel States (AES), placing strategic autonomy and sovereignty at the core of their political agenda. This realignment has altered the regional architecture through which West African governments historically managed security and political crises.
Despite these political shifts, the humanitarian crisis persists. Displacement, armed conflict, food insecurity, and climate-related pressures continue to cross borders. Governments in the region increasingly insist on handling their own security affairs, often rejecting large-scale foreign military interventions while still relying on international support for development and aid.
Mubarak Aliyu, a political and security analyst based in Nigeria, noted that the AES member states have dismantled many of the mechanisms that previously allowed outside institutions to exert leverage. “The influence the UN can actually exercise is narrow,” Aliyu said. “The AES states have stripped away the mechanisms that once gave outside institutions leverage, leaving ECOWAS and the Rome Statute, and building their own confederation and joint force instead.”
In February 2026, the Security Council extended UNOWAS’s mandate until January 31, 2029, while also requesting an independent strategic review of its activities to be finalized by September 30, 2026. This review comes amid a broader transformation of West Africa’s political landscape, driven by military governments, new alliances, and the growing influence of external actors such as Russia.
Aliyu highlighted the role of Russia’s Africa Corps in supporting the military governments of Mali and Niger, describing it as a key factor in regime survival rather than counterinsurgency. “Moscow’s leverage extends into the Security Council chamber too, since its veto shapes what collective action the Council can attempt on Mali in the first place,” he added.
Kabir Adamu, founder and managing director of Beacon Security and Innovations Limited, an Abuja-based security firm, argued that the UN must pivot from traditional troop deployments toward diplomatic and development solutions. He emphasized the need for effective security sector governance and preventive strategies that address the root causes of fragility and instability.
“As national security structures remain weak and extractive, and regional security architecture fragments… the UN should prioritize pragmatic, inclusive mediation to bridge divides between Sahelian and coastal states, while actively bolstering alternative, functioning frameworks like MNJTF and the Accra Initiative,” Adamu said.
The opening of the 81st session of the United Nations General Assembly on September 8, 2026, underscores the changed context. With no peacekeeping mission in Mali and key Sahel nations operating outside ECOWAS, the UN’s role is evolving. According to Aliyu, the organization is now closer to an advocate and service provider than a shaper of outcomes.
“It can report, brief, fund aid operations and press for access, but it cannot compel it or offer the regime security that has made Russia indispensable to the military governments,” Aliyu observed. Nevertheless, the UN retains the ability to facilitate dialogue, support humanitarian operations, and highlight regional crises on the global stage. In this new environment, the UN’s influence is expected to derive more from diplomacy, access, and regional partnerships than from military force.
The shift to humanitarian aid is good, but without addressing the root causes of instability, we are just putting bandaids on bullet wounds.
Wait, did Mali and Niger actually leave ECOWAS? I thought that was just rumors. This changes everything for regional trade.
Does anyone else feel like Russia is pulling the strings more than the UN? The veto power mention is quite telling.
Sovereignty was always the right call for these nations, but I worry about who fills the security vacuum left behind.
It is fascinating to watch the UN adapt its strategy in real-time. Diplomacy must replace boots on the ground now.