Houthis Emerge as Iran’s Most Effective Proxy Amid Regional Conflict

Following recent military developments in Yemen, Iraqi Shiite paramilitary groups have begun mirroring Houthi rhetoric, carrying banners with anti-American and anti-Israel slogans during street marches. This visual alignment underscores the deepening integration of various factions within Iran’s “axis of resistance,” a network of proxy groups that includes Lebanon’s Hezbollah, Gaza’s Hamas, and Yemen’s Houthi rebels.

While other axis members have actively targeted US and Israeli interests since the outbreak of hostilities between Iran and the United States in late February 2026, the Houthis have largely remained in the background. That stance has shifted rapidly. A new Houthi offensive has secured control over additional stretches of the Yemeni coastline and several Red Sea islands, a move that the Washington-based Institute for the Study of War describes as an effort to establish a body of water under axis control to dictate regional oil exports.

This expansion mirrors the geopolitical struggle currently unfolding around the Strait of Hormuz, where Iran and the US are vying for dominance over another critical trade artery. Iranian state media has hailed these territorial gains as a major victory for the resistance. _Kayhan_, a conservative newspaper, argued that Sanaa’s influence as a branch of the resistance has grown significantly. In Tehran, government supporters have held nightly rallies since the war began; at the 200th gathering this week, crowds chanted, “You are my soul, O Yemen!”

Such fervent praise was once reserved for Hezbollah, whose armed wing has been severely degraded by recent Israeli strikes and the loss of its Syrian strongholds. In contrast, the Houthis are demonstrating capabilities that Hezbollah has yet to match. This week, the group claimed to have shot down a Saudi F-15 fighter jet using a self-modified missile—a feat Hezbollah has not achieved, despite its history of targeting Israeli drones and aircraft.

A Strategic Upgrade

Experts suggest the Houthis may be supplanting Hezbollah as the most potent element of Iran’s proxy network. Farea al-Muslimi, a research fellow at Chatham House focusing on Yemen, stated that while Hezbollah built the Houthis’ capacity over decades, the group has now exceeded its mentor.

“I think they have become more valuable than Hezbollah could ever be,” al-Muslimi told DW. Andreas Krieg, a senior lecturer at King’s College London’s School of Security Studies, agreed, noting that the Houthis now perform a similar strategic role for Tehran but with greater utility. “Hezbollah gave Tehran deterrence against Israel from Lebanon. The Houthis give Iran leverage over Saudi Arabia, Israel and global shipping,” Krieg explained, adding that their importance has risen sharply as Hezbollah faces intense pressure.

The transformation is also cultural. Houthi leader Abdul Malik al-Houthi is known to emulate the late Hezbollah commander Hassan Nasrallah, who was killed by Israel in 2024. Al-Muslimi observed that Abdul Malik’s speeches mimic Nasrallah’s style, and he now possesses more leverage than his predecessor ever did. Nasrallah previously served as the “fixer” for the axis, coordinating factions across Lebanon, Yemen, and Syria—a role Abdul Malik appears to be assuming, evidenced by recent attacks on Saudi pipelines launched by Iraqi proxies.

Allies or Autonomous Actors?

Despite the growing synergy, questions remain regarding the extent of Iranian control. While Iranian media celebrates Houthi victories as wins for Tehran, Houthi-run channels often focus narrowly on their conflict with Saudi Arabia, which maintains a blockade on Houthi-controlled areas. Krieg highlights autonomy as the key difference: the Houthis possess their own leadership, ideology, domestic support base, and territorial ambitions.

“Tehran can enable them, arm them and benefit from their actions, but it cannot necessarily switch them on and off at will,” Krieg said. Historical precedents show the Houthis proceeding with military plans despite Iranian objections, and Tehran has denied involvement in the latest campaign. However, al-Muslimi argues that ties have tightened considerably over the past two years, citing regular deliveries of sophisticated weaponry and reports that Iranian leadership discussed closing the Bab el-Mandeb Strait with Houthi officials. Allison Minor, former US deputy special envoy for Yemen, noted in _Foreign Affairs_ that despite local framing, Houthi alignment with Tehran has strengthened.

A Resilient and Dangerous Force

There is broad consensus that the Houthis are difficult to contain. Previous military efforts by Saudi Arabia, the US, and others have failed, and sanctions have limited impact because the group operates outside the international financial system. Al-Muslimi describes their approach as “zero-sum,” with tax revenues directed entirely toward warfare rather than public services or salaries.

This militarized ideology, rooted in the belief that hardship is a divine test, contrasts sharply with Hezbollah, which balances armed struggle with political governance and social welfare in Lebanon. The Houthis face no such constraints. “They don’t care if the Israelis bomb the airport or the US bombs a hospital,” al-Muslimi said, noting that martyrdom and sacrifice are central to their appeal. While they pose a significant international threat, al-Muslimi warns they remain the greatest danger ever posed to the concept of citizenship and republicanism in Yemen’s history.

The United Nations reports that fighting in Yemen has displaced at least 125,000 people since the start of September 2026, highlighting the humanitarian cost of the group’s unchecked military expansion.