Syrian Kurds Weigh Future After SDF Dissolution and Integration

ERBIL, Iraq – The recent dissolution of the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) and its merger into the Syrian government military has ignited a complex debate among Kurds across Syria, Iraq, and Turkey regarding the future of their community’s rights and identity.

While Syrian President Ahmed al-Sharaa has pledged constitutional protections for Kurdish language and political freedoms, analysts warn that abandoning the “armed struggle” could undermine decades of effort to secure Kurdish autonomy. SDF leader Mazloum Abdi, also known as Mazloum Kobani, framed the move as a historic shift from conflict to construction. Speaking from the presidential palace in Damascus, Abdi stated, “We want this day to be the beginning of a true transition from the battlefields to the fields of construction, and from the era of weapons to the era of peace,” marking what he called an “important page” in Syrian history.

The SDF, established in 2015 with U.S. support to combat the Islamic State (ISIL), governed Syria’s northeastern region—home to the majority of the country’s Kurdish population—for over a decade. However, following the fall of Bashar al-Assad in December 2024, government forces launched a swift offensive that captured northern Syria earlier this year. After months of negotiations, the SDF was disbanded and the Kurdish-led Autonomous Administration was dissolved.

Reactions to the integration vary widely. Talal Mohammed, head of the Kurdistan Democratic Peace Party in Syria, described the development as a potential turning point. “This represents an opportunity for the Kurds to be partners in building a democratic Syria,” Mohammed told Al Jazeera, noting that while Kurds previously possessed self-administration and a military force, they lacked international or regional recognition. He emphasized the need to unite Kurdish ranks to secure rights through the new constitution.

However, Mohammed cautioned that Turkey is actively pushing to eliminate armed Kurdish groups. Turkey designates the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) and its affiliates, including the SDF’s leading wing, the People’s Protection Units (YPG), as terrorist organizations. The PKK announced its dissolution and end to armed conflict in May 2025, a move urged by imprisoned leader Abdullah Ocalan and welcomed by Ankara. Mohammed argued that ending both the SDF and the PKK fulfilled a long-standing Turkish strategic objective.

Despite these concerns, some Kurdish politicians view the peace initiative as empowering. Perwin Yousef, co-chair of the Democratic Union Party (PYD)—the Syrian branch of the PKK—rejected the notion that integration is a setback. “We did not feel any disappointment, and our project continues,” Yousef said, affirming that the struggle for rights would continue through political agreements within the new constitutional framework. Nevertheless, she acknowledged that there are currently no guarantees for the national, political, or cultural rights of Kurds, warning that these unresolved issues could derail any agreement.

Experts suggest the deal reflects external pressures rather than internal Kurdish consensus. Sarbast Nabi, a professor of political philosophy at Koya University in northern Iraq, argued that the SDF’s decision was compelled by Turkish will, particularly because Ankara holds Ocalan captive. “What happened in Syria serves Turkish national security,” Nabi said, adding that the Kurdish issue was marginalized amid perceptions that the Trump administration was seeking to align Turkey more closely with Western interests.

Muhammad Amin Penjweny, an expert on PKK and Turkish politics, described the integration as a pragmatic victory given the withdrawal of American and French forces. “It had no other solution after the withdrawal… leaving it alone without military or political protection in the face of Turkiye and Syria,” Penjweny explained. He noted that while the SDF had been a significant military force against ISIS with Western assistance, the geopolitical landscape changed after Assad’s fall.

Skepticism remains high within Kurdish circles, with the fate of Ocalan seen as a decisive factor. Penjweny reported that PKK leaders have warned against continuing the peace process with Turkey unless democratic reforms are implemented, stating that weapons would not be handed over until Ocalan and his comrades are released. “The Kurdish dream of establishing a Kurdish state still stands,” he said, referencing historical grievances dating back to the 1923 Treaty of Lausanne, which divided Kurdish-populated areas among four nations.

Sentiments differ across the diaspora. In Iraq, where Kurds enjoy constitutionally protected semi-autonomy following the 2003 invasion, many view the Syrian arrangement favorably compared to life under Assad. Writer Soran Ali noted that independence for Syrian Kurds remains unlikely, whereas the Iraqi Kurdish regional government is a legally recognized entity. Conversely, some Turkish Kurds express pessimism. Ahmed Kani, a nationalist researcher in Turkey, claimed the SDF’s dissolution signaled the end of the Kurdish statehood dream, arguing that as long as Turkey remains a strong state, Kurdish aspirations for independence across the region will remain unfulfilled.